“When the Clock Broke” by John Ganz
When the Clock Broke: Con Men, Conspiracists, and How America Cracked Up in the Early 1990’s is a pleasant surprise- a gem probably under the radar for most readers. I became aware of it when reviewing a 2024 Best Books List published by The Economist. It delivers a crucial and important insight: Donald Trump didn’t create American populist authoritarianism- he simply mainstreamed it. Through meticulous examination of the early 90’s, Ganz demonstrates that 1992 marked the moment when fringe political currents, previously confined to regional movements, coalesced into a national phenomenon that would eventually birth MAGA. The fundamental point is the New Right isn’t new and the seeds of MAGA are there for all to see.
Ganz traces the ideological DNA of Trumpism through key figures who energised different elements of what would become the MAGA coalition. Pat Buchanan provided the intellectual framework for paleoconservative nationalism, explicitly calling for a “culture war” and seeking a reversal of 20th century progressive achievements, the New Deal, the civil right’s movement and women's liberation. His virulent anti-immigration rhetoric portrayed demographic change as an existential threat to white Christian America. He attacked affirmative action as anti white discrimination. Buchanan weaponised white working class resentment by arguing that liberal elites were contemptuous of traditional values while forcing taxpayers to subsidise programs benefiting minorities at their expense. He was subtly anti semitic- citing the threats of “globalists” and “cosmopolitans” dragging us into foreign wars. He was populist, nativist and effective. He severely undermined the re-election campaign of the ultimate Republican WASP mainstreamer- George Herbert Walker Bush.
Ross Perot was part of the mosaic. He pioneered the outsider billionaire persona as a down to earth problem solver, channeling economic populism through his assault on free trade agreements. Recall his prediction that NAFTA would create a “giant sucking sound” of American jobs flowing to Mexico. His Japan bashing rhetoric tapped into American anxieties about American decline while scapegoating foreign competitors. He mobilised fears of globalisation and would have loved Mr Trump’s fascination with tariffs. He rejected the establishments of both traditional parties, rejecting free market fundamentalism and wasteful and bloated government programs.
Rush Limbaugh revolutionised political communication that bypassed traditional gatekeepers and validated conservative grievances. His radio empire gave voice to the belief that liberal elites looked down upon ordinary Americans, fostering a sense of cultural victimisation that became central to right wing identity. He was the forerunner of Fox and the powerful conservative media universe. He was vituperative in his criticisms of enemies, unsparing in his use of histrionics and lies to buttress his political messaging. His ratings were huge. Pat Robertson brought Christian nationalism into the mix. He blended religious fundamentalism with political extremism and legitimised crazy conspiracy theories within evangelical circles. He blasted “Jewish” bankers, Free Masons, the Trilateral commission as evil internationalists. His influence helped transform religious conservatism from a moral reform movement into a cultural and political force. He was gay basher, anti feminist and openly dismissive of black intellectual capacity.
Ganz connects these 1990 figures to the original “America First” movement of the 30’s and the resurgent Ku Klux Klan in the 20’s. He highlights the recurring patterns of isolationism, xenophobia, anti immigrant, anti black and anti semitic conspiracy theories. What made the 1990s different was how these previously local, regional or provincial sentiments achieved national resonance through a sophisticated ecosystem that portrayed the liberal elites as fundamentally hostile to American values. The narrative was that ordinary Americans, particularly the white working class, were being forced to fund government programs designed to help minorities. It was based on resentment of elites and a sense of cultural and economic victimisation. The emotional foundations of the movement was the rejection of expertise, multiculturalism and democratic institutions themselves.
The aggressive anti intellectualism that defines contemporary conservative populist politics is not a Trump innovation but the maturation of currents that were visible 30-40 years ago. Similarly, the "anti woke” politics - opposition to DEI, LGBTQ rights and feminism represented the evolution of the cultural backlash that began in the 90’s.
Ganz’s central thesis is persuasive. The economic dislocations, cultural anxieties and institutional distrust that emerged in the 90’s created conditions that Trump would brilliantly exploit. He is a marketing genius. Unfortunately, the product being marketed is defective and has beens so from the creation. Conspiracy theories, populist rage and authoritarian impulses are no way to run the most powerful country in the world. Ganz provides essential context for comprehending how the fringe became mainstream and how democracy’s guardrails were systematically weakened. He also vividly portrays how the essential principles of the movements are anti modernity, fundamentally reactionary and backward looking. OUCH!
